Excerpt from a speech delivered
in 1933 by General
Smedley Darlington Butler, USMC. General Butler was the recipient of two Congressional Medals of Honor
-- the highest military decoration presented by the United States government to a
member of its armed forces. He is one of only 19 recipients of two Medals of
Honor, and one of only three to be awarded a Marine Corps Brevet Medal and a Medal
of Honor, and the only person to be awarded a Marine Corps Brevet Medal and a Medal
of Honor for two different actions.
War is just a racket. A racket is best described, I believe, as something
that is not what it seems to the majority of people. Only a small inside group
knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few at the
expense of the masses. . . .
Smedley Butler portrayed by Graham Frye
There isn't a trick in the racketeering bag that the military gang is blind
to. It has its "finger men" to point out enemies, its "muscle men" to destroy
enemies, its "brain men" to plan war preparations, and a "Big Boss"
Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism.
It may seem odd for me, a military man to adopt such a comparison.
Truthfulness compels me to. I spent thirty- three years and four months in
active military service as a member of this country's most agile military force,
the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to
Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high
class muscle- man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In
short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism.
I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it.
Like all the members of the military profession, I never had a thought of my own
until I left the service. My mental faculties remained in suspended animation
while I obeyed the orders of higher-ups. This is typical with everyone in the
military service.
I helped make Mexico, especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in
1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank
boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central
American republics for the benefits of Wall Street. The record of racketeering
is long. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown
Brothers in 1909-1912 (where have I heard that name before?). I brought light to
the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. In China I helped
to see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested.
During those years, I had, as the boys in the back room would say, a swell
racket. Looking back on it, I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few
hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I
operated on three continents. . . .
[At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in Germany, they were
involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United States government.
"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early 1934, writes
Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat that would overthrow the
President with the aid of a $3 million-funded army of terrorists . . ." The object was
to force Roosevelt "to take orders from businessmen as part of a fascist government or
face the alternative of imprisonment and execution . . ."
Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of meetings with the
Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre conspiracy." "They finally settled on
one of the most popular soldiers in America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania."
Butler was approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of the American
Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role of an American Hitler.--R.
William Davis, "The Elkhorn Manifesto," July 4, 1996]
[The de facto role of the US armed forces will be to keep the world safe for our economy
and open to our cultural assault. To those ends, we will do a fair amount of
killing.--Ralph Peters, "Constant
Conflict," Parameters,
US Army War College Quarterly, Summer 1997, pp. 4-14]
[If one were to look closely at the past 58 years, one would be hard pressed to
find a single U.S. military or C.I.A. intervention that has brought us one iota
of safety, or, for that matter, that has actually been done for national defense
purposes. As Butler illustrated in 1933, and it is even truer now than then, the
U.S. engages in interventions meant to protect the interests of the powerful and
wealthy of our nation and our allies, and rarely, if ever, in order to actually
protect its citizens.--Chris White, "Is War Still a
Racket?" CounterPunch, January 9, 2003]
Charlie Liteky, "An Open Letter to the U.S. Military: Congressional
Medal of Honor recipient addresses U.S. forces in Iraq," Veterans Against the Iraq War,
May 7, 2003
[Between 1850 and 1870, British exports tripled, from just over eighty million
pounds to more than 240 million pounds a year. The process was fairly
straightforward. The British imported raw materials from every comer of the
globe. They then used those raw materials, transformed them into finished
products in factories, and exported those goods throughout the world. Trade and
industry were inextricably linked. The United Kingdom needed raw materials to
produce finished goods, and it needed markets to absorb those goods abroad. In
order to profit from exports, it had to control the trade, and to do that, it
had to control the seas. In that sense, the British navy was simply an
adjunct to the British merchant marine.--Zachary Karabell, "Parting
the Desert," Knopf (May 20, 2003)]
[To measure actual spending by the United States on defense, take the federal
budget number for the Pentagon and double it.--David R. Francis, "Hidden defense costs
add up to double trouble," Christian Science Monitor, February 23, 2004]
VIDEO: An unflinching
look at the anatomy of the American war machine, weaving unforgettable personal
stories with commentary by a "who's who" of military and beltway insiders. The
film surveys the scorched landscape of a half-century's military adventures,
asking how and telling why a nation of, by, and for the people has become the
savings-and-loan of a system whose survival depends on a state of constant
war.--Eugene Jarecki, "Why We
Fight," Sony Pictures Classics (2005)
[A more honest estimate of ourselves as a nation would prepare us all for
the next barrage of lies that will accompany the next proposal to inflict our
power on some other part of the world.--Howard Zinn, "Lessons of Iraq War start
with U.S. history," The Progressive, March 14, 2006]
[". . . no nation had ever become great without control of foreign markets and
access to the natural resources of foreign countries."--Stephen Kinzer, "Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to
Iraq," Times Books, April 4, 2006, p. 33]
[VIDEO: SAIC
personnel were instrumental in pressing the case that weapons of mass
destruction existed in Iraq in the first place, and that war was the only
way to get rid of them. Then, as war became inevitable, SAIC secured contracts
for a broad range of operations in soon-to-be-occupied Iraq. When no weapons of
mass destruction were found, SAIC personnel staffed the commission that was set
up to investigate how American intelligence could have been so disastrously
wrong.--Donald L. Barlett and James B. Steele, "Washington's
$8 Billion Shadow," Vanity Fair, March 2007]
[Massive military spending in this country, climbing to nearly $1 trillion a
year and consuming half of all discretionary spending, has a profound social
cost. Bridges and levees collapse. Schools decay. Domestic manufacturing
declines. Trillions in debts threaten the viability of the currency and the
economy. The poor, the mentally ill, the sick and the unemployed are abandoned.
Human suffering, including our own, is the price for victory.
Citizens in a state of permanent war are bombarded with the insidious
militarized language of power, fear and strength that mask an increasingly
brittle reality.--Chris Hedges, "The Disease of Permanent War," truthdig.com, May 18, 2009]
[Traditional military threats against America have largely disappeared. There's
no more Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact, Maoist China is distant history and
Washington is allied with virtually every industrialized state. As Colin Powell
famously put it while Chairman of the Joint Chiefs: "I'm running out of enemies.
. . . I'm down to Kim Il-Sung and Castro."--Doug Bandow, "Bankrupt
Empire," nationalinterest.org, April 19, 2010]
Lawrence Korb and Christopher Preble, "Cut Defense
Spending," nationalinterest.org, June 16, 2010
[As a former army officer, a Catholic, and a social conservative from the
Midwest, he has appealed to both conservatives and progressives unhappy with
the militarized pursuit of power abroad and the encouragement of unlimited
individual self-gratification at home.
[In contrast to the 1950s, military extravagance is depleting rather than
adding to the nation's wealth. In the Eisenhower era, the United States, a
creditor nation, produced at home the essentials defining the American way
of life - everything from oil to cars to televisions. Today, we import far
more than we export, with ever-increasing debt as one result. Furthermore,
in the 1950s, we were mostly at peace; today we are mostly at war - and, as a
result, more of the resources provided to the military go abroad and stay
there.--Andrew J. Bacevich, "The Tyranny of Defense Inc," theatlantic.com,
January/February 2011]
[On Jan. 17, 1961, President Dwight Eisenhower gave the nation a dire
warning about what he described as a threat to democratic government. He
called it the military-industrial complex, a formidable union of defense
contractors and the armed forces.--NPR Staff, "Ike's Warning Of Military Expansion, 50 Years
Later," npr.org, January 17, 2011]
[All told, the federal government has appropriated about $635
billion, accounting for inflation, for homeland security-related
activities and equipment since the 9/11 attacks.--Stephan Salisbury, "The
cost of America's police state," salon.com, March 5, 2012]