If Wall Street gets away with this, it will represent an historic swindle of
the American public--all sugar for the villains, lasting pain and damage for
the victims. My advice to Washington politicians: Stop, take a deep breath
and examine what you are being told to do by so-called "responsible
opinion." If this deal succeeds, I predict it will become a transforming
event in American politics--exposing the deep deformities in our democracy
and launching a tidal wave of righteous anger and popular rebellion. As I
have been saying for several months, this crisis has the potential to bring
down one or both political parties, take your choice. . . .
Let me be clear. The scandal is not that government is acting. The scandal
is that government is not acting forcefully enough--using its ultimate
emergency powers to take full control of the financial system and impose
order on banks, firms and markets. Stop the music, so to speak, instead of
allowing individual financiers and traders to take opportunistic moves to
save themselves at the expense of the system. The step-by-step rescues that
the Federal Reserve and Treasury have executed to date have failed utterly
to reverse the flight of investors and banks worldwide from lending or
buying in doubtful times. There is no obvious reason to assume this bailout
proposal will change their minds, though it will certainly feel good to the
financial houses that get to dump their bad paper on the government.
A serious intervention in which Washington takes charge would, first,
require a new central authority to supervise the financial institutions and
compel them to support the government's actions to stabilize the system.
Government can apply killer leverage to the financial players: accept our
objectives and follow our instructions or you are left on your own--cut off
from government lending spigots and ineligible for any direct assistance. If
they decline to cooperate, the money guys are stuck with their own mess. If
they resist the government's orders to keep lending to the real economy of
producers and consumers, banks and brokers will be effectively isolated,
therefore doomed.
Only with these conditions, and some others, should the federal government
be willing to take ownership--temporarily--of the rotten financial assets
that are dragging down funds, banks and brokerages. . . .
National affairs correspondent William Greider has been a political
journalist for more than thirty-five years. A former Rolling Stone and
Washington Post editor, he is the author of the national bestsellers One
World, Ready or Not, Secrets
of the Temple, Who Will Tell The People, The
Soul of Capitalism (Simon & Schuster) and--due out in February from
Rodale--Come Home, America.
[Spitzer had become increasingly public in blaming the Bush administration
for the subprime crisis.--"Bush's Real Problem with Eliot
Spitzer," Project Censored, February 2008]
[But under the current proposal, the government would go out and shop for bad
loans. These come in all shapes and sizes, so the government would have to
judge what type of loans it wants. They are illiquid, so it's hard to know
how to value them. Bad loans are weighing down the financial system
precisely because private-sector experts can't determine their worth. The
government would have no better handle on the problem.
In practice this means the government would make subjective choices about
which bad loans to buy, and it would pay more than fair value. Billions in
taxpayer money would be transferred to the shareholders and creditors of
banks, and the banks from which the government bought most loans would be
subsidized more than their rivals. . . .
Raghuram Rajan and Luigi Zingales of the University of Chicago suggest ways
to force the banks to raise capital without tapping the taxpayers. First,
the government should tell banks to cancel all dividend payments. Banks
don't do that on their own because it would signal weakness; if everyone
knows the dividend has been canceled because of a government rule, the
signaling issue would be removed. Second, the government should tell all
healthy banks to issue new equity. Again, banks resist doing this because
they don't want to signal weakness and they don't want to dilute existing
shareholders. A government order could cut through these obstacles.
Meanwhile, Charles Calomiris of Columbia University and Douglas Elmendorf of
the Brookings Institution have offered versions of another idea. The
government should help not by buying banks' bad loans but by buying equity
stakes in the banks themselves.--Sebastian Mallaby, "A Bad Bank Rescue," Washington Post,
September 21, 2008]
[As Kevin Phillips points out in his prophetic book, Bad Money, America's
primary business became non-productive finance. Manufacturing fell to only
12% of GDP. Wall Street titans grew obscenely rich by simply passing around
paper. Inflated or semi-worthless securities increased in bogus value at
each stage of the trading process.
Wall Street was allowed to virtually print money and peddle toxic securities
around the globe because the big financial houses and heads of hedge funds
bought the politicians of both parties.
Equally important, the mammoth financial and housing bubble thus created was
hailed by the Bush administration as proof positive of Republican free
market philosophy and the true road to prosperity.--Eric Margolis, "US Empire: An Orgy of Debt," Toronto Sun,
September 21, 2008]
[Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley sought shelter with the Federal Reserve to
survive a financial storm that destroyed their rivals, effectively killing
Wall Street's investment banking model of the past two decades.--Kevin
Drawbaugh and Mark Felsenthal, "Goldman,
Morgan Stanley flee into Fed's arms," Reuters, September 22, 2008]
[ROBERT SCHEER: Bush and McCain and Paulson, who was head of Goldman Sachs
before he was head of the Treasury, say they don't know how this happened,
they designed this system. We had a regulatory regime in place ever since
the Great Depression to prevent this kind of meltdown, and that said that
stockbrokers, insurance companies, banks, investment banks, commercial
banks, could not merge. And in 1999, they passed legislation, the
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. Gramm is the guy who McCain supported for president
in '96. He was co-chair of his campaign until he complained about the
whiners out there, meaning the public. And that legislation is what caused
this. It allowed the swaps and everything else.
And then, in 2000, hours before the Christmas break, Gramm introduced
legislation. I'm holding it in my hand. This smoking gun is available on the
internet; you can read it. And what it said is that the swaps is defined in
the Financial Service Modernization Act, meaning that instead of going into
a bank and somebody said, "OK, we'll give you a loan, and we expect you to
pay it over thirty years. We know your house has the equity. We know you
have the means to pay it" - that was the traditional way - instead, they allowed
these mergers, and as a result, they could buy insurance on it, they could
do these swaps, they could do what they call hybrid instruments. And it is
legislation that was never discussed, was - never had hearings or anything,
says that all of this stuff is exempted from all previous regulation. . . .
[ . . . what threatens to be even worse is the government's move to let the
financial sector make even higher, unprecedented gains by working its way
out of negative equity to "make taxpayers whole" by repaying the
government's bailout by bleeding the economy at large.--Michael Hudson, "The
Paulson-Bernanke Bank Bailout Plan," counterpunch.org, September 22,
2008]
[What Gingrich's wish list tells us is that the dumping of private debt into
the public coffers is only stage one of the current shock. The second comes
when the debt crisis currently being created by this bailout becomes the
excuse to privatize social security, lower corporate taxes and cut spending
on the poor. A President McCain would embrace these policies willingly. A
President Obama would come under huge pressure from the think tanks and the
corporate media to abandon his campaign promises and embrace austerity and
"free-market stimulus."--Naomi Klein, "Now is the Time to Resist Wall Street's Shock
Doctrine," Huffington Post, September 22, 2008]
[The audacity of Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson's bailout proposal is
reflected in what it refuses to say: no explanations of how the bailout will
work, no demands on the bankers in exchange for the public's money. The
Treasury's opaque, three-page summary of plan includes this chilling
statement:
"Section 8. Review. Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of
this Act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may not
be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative agency."--William
Greider, "Goldman Sachs
Socialism," Nation, September 23, 2008]
[The entire crisis is not a crisis of subprime mortgages, it is a crisis of
the derivatives bubble which was launched by Wendy Gramm of the Commodities
Futures Trading Commission and Greenspan of the Fed with the connivance of
Robert Rubin of Goldman Sachs and Citibank, and others in the Clinton
administration, some 15 years ago. . . .
It is of course true that the healthy functioning of the United States
economy requires a viable and flexible system of commercial banks. No one
should doubt the necessity of commercial banks. . . .
But when we look at institutions like J.P. Morgan Chase, Citibank, and Bank
of America, we become aware that these large money center institutions have
become detached from any conceivable connection to the world of production,
wages, transportation, and all other useful and productive activities. These
institutions are not commercial banks any more in any meaningful sense of
the term.--Webster G. Tarpley, "NO! to the Paulson-Bernanke
Derivatives Scam Bailout," rense.com, September 23, 2008 -- Note:
Read article for the author's advice on what needs to be done.]
[The solution is not bailing out banks by eliminating "toxic" debts, but
rather helping home owners renegotiate conditions of their mortgages.--"STIGLITZ CALLS BUSH
BAILOUT PLAN 'MONSTROUS'," Santiago Times, September 24, 2008]
[Contrary to Paulson's claim, domestic credit is still expanding at a fast
rate, at 9% per year as of July 2008, and the notion of frozen markets
cannot be supported by Fed's published monetary data. Banks have excess
liquidity and are still extending loans to safe customers. Certainly they
are no longer in the mood of reigniting a new speculative euphoria by
lending to speculator and impaired credit.
And contrary to Paulson's belief, the MFI will in the end cost American
families more than other alternatives. As Philip Stephens from the Financial
Times put it, it is horrifying to think that the huge liabilities of failing
institutions have now been loaded on to the backs of taxpayers: a case, as
far as speculators are concerned, of heads, we win, tails you lose.
Paulson and Bernanke, by designing the MFI to secure banks' assets, have
enticed investors and speculators into buying financial stocks, made most
attractive on expectations that all banks' assets will be secured by the
government. With the MFI, banks can only make profits and will always be
able to dump their nonperforming assets to the MFI.--Hossein Askari and
Noureddine Krichene, "Paulson
plan throws oil on fire," Asia Times, September 24, 2008]
[But as the cross-examination rolled on, and Mr Paulson just waffled - "we
will ask experts to advise us", "we will get the best and brightest
financiers to suggest ideas" - the terrible truth dawned. There was no such
thing as a Paulson plan. Not only did Mr Paulson not know what he was doing.
He did not know what he was talking about. When pressed to offer at least
some basic principles for his rescue, Mr Paulson had no answers. When
challenged about limits to executive remuneration and taxpayer stakes in
future profits of participating banks, he brusquely rejected all such
proposals - on the amazing ground that they might discourage some of the
stronger banks from taking advantage of government support!
Could he really be so clueless? Surely not. Why, then, has Mr Paulson
failed? His inability to think seriously about solutions to the present
financial crisis probably has deep ideological roots. Just as Mr Rumsfeld
could simply not believe that US foreign policy might be misguided, Mr
Paulson simply cannot believe that markets can be fundamentally wrong. He
therefore cannot imagine, for example, that government judgments about the
value of bank securities may, in some circumstances, reflect economic
realities more accurately than market prices. Since some such recognition of
market failure is fundamental to any understanding of banking crises, it is
not surprising that Mr Paulson finds it difficult to come up with a credible
solution.--Anatole Kaletsky, "The staggering incompetence of the US Treasury
Secretary is now acknowledged - and is a disaster for George Bush,"
Times, September 25, 2008]
[As Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf noted on Wednesday, Sept. 24, the
problem is that the face value of mortgage loans and a raft of other bad
loans far exceeds current market prices or prices that are likely to be
realized this year, next year or the year after that. They are packaged into
what the financial press rightly calls "toxic." The bailout is not
efficient, he writes, "because it can only deal with insolvency by buying
bad assets at far above their true value, thereby guaranteeing big losses
for taxpayers and providing an open-ended bail-out to the most irresponsible
investors." "The simplest way to recapitalize institutions," He concludes,
is "by forcing them to raise equity and halt dividends. If that did not
work, there could be forced conversions of debt into equity. The attraction
of debt-equity swaps is that they would create losses for creditors, which
are essential for the long-run health of any financial system." This is the
key: if debts cannot be paid, then creditors must take losses.--Michael
Hudson, "The
Insanity of the $700 Billion Giveaway," counterpunch.org, September 25, 2008]
[Once upon a time, a politician took campaign contributions and favors from
a friendly constituent who happened to run a savings and loan association.
The contributions were generous: They came to about $200,000 in today's
dollars, and on top of that there were several free vacations for the
politician and his family, along with private jet trips and other perks. The
politician voted repeatedly against congressional efforts to tighten
regulation of S&Ls, and in 1987, when he learned that his constituent's S&L
was the target of a federal investigation, he met with regulators in an
effort to get them to back off.
That politician was John McCain, and his generous friend was Charles
Keating, head of Lincoln Savings & Loan. . . .
To the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro
tempore of the Senate (signed by about 200 economists - including three
recipients of the Nobel Prize)--Kevin G. Hall, "Economists
Of The World, Unite!," New York Times, September 25, 2008
[Right now, banks and others with this toxic debt by law must write down
losses every quarter. They are forced to put a present-day value on these
assets. Yardeni thinks suspending this rule could do the job without
taxpayer money.--"Is the
bailout needed? Many economists say 'no'," McClatchy, September 25,
2008]
[Wall Street must be saved for the sake of Main Street, Secretary Paulson
and Chairman Bernanke tell us. First, everyone has toxic financial
instruments in their 401k's; and second, these instruments are clogging the
credit system. But in fact neither claim is true.
The first claim is not true simply because the majority of Americans don't
have any retirement accounts at all. And the claim that the credit system is
clogged is not true because there is no object that can be removed in order
to clear it. What is true is that the securities that Wall Street invented
are toxic. But this is precisely why they should remain where they belong,
in the vaults of those who created and pushed them. Otherwise they will
poison the rest of us, the poorest among us the most. The government can and
should stave off the increase in unemployment, but the only way the
government can accomplish this is by hiring workers itself. A bailout will
make matters worse.--Moshe Adler, "Bailing Out Wall
Street Won't Save Main Street," counterpunch.org, September 26,
2008]
["We collect money from local savers, and we lend it in the local
community," said William Dunkelberg, chairman of Liberty Bell Bank in Cherry
Hill, N.J. "We're doing fine. There are 9,000 financial institutions out
there, and most of them are small and most of them are doing fine."
Dunkelberg, a professor of economics at Temple University and chief
economist for the National Federation of Independent Business, added that a
recent survey of that group's members found that only 2 percent said getting
a bank loan was the great challenge facing their businesses. . . .
Even some of the nation's largest banks, which have pushed hard for a
federal bailout, deny that the current situation is forcing them to reduce
lending. "The strength of our core businesses, capital and liquidity are
enabling us to continue to support our customers," Bank of America, the
nation's largest bank, said in a statement.--Binyamin Appelbaum, "Smaller Banks Thrive Out of the Fray of
Crisis," Washington Post, September 26, 2008]
[In the case of AIG, the virus exploded from a freewheeling little
377-person unit in London, and flourished in a climate of opulent pay, lax
oversight and blind faith in financial risk models.--Gretchen Morgenson,
"Behind AIG's crisis, a blind eye to a web of risk,"
International Herald Tribune, September 28, 2008]
[A system of regulated capitalism was in place and worked very well from
World War II to 1980. . . . The fundamentalists of the economy are
wrong.--Robert S. McElvaine, "Their Party Crashed. Ours May Too,"
Washington Post, September 28, 2008]
[The obvious alternative to a bailout is letting troubled financial
institutions declare bankruptcy. Bankruptcy means that shareholders
typically get wiped out and the creditors own the company.
So what should the government do? Eliminate those policies that generated
the current mess. This means, at a general level, abandoning the goal of
home ownership independent of ability to pay. This means, in particular,
getting rid of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, along with policies like the
Community Reinvestment Act that pressure banks into subprime
lending.--Jeffrey A. Miron, "Bankruptcy,
not bailout, is the right answer," CNN, September 29, 2008]
[A bailout, however large, that maintains the mark-to-market rule and
permits short-selling will pour money into a black hole. . . .
If foreign creditors are to finance the bailout, it must be credible. The
best way to achieve credibility is to combine the bailout with a reduction
in other forms of US foreign borrowing, specifically the US governmentÕs
budget deficit and the US trade deficit.
. . . the government should declare an immediate end to the wars, thus
reducing the budget deficit by at least $200 billion annually.
The government should then turn to the military budget, which at about $700
billion is larger than the combined military spending of the rest of the
world combined.--Paul Craig Roberts, "Can a Bailout
Succeed?," counterpunch.org, October 2, 2008]
[This current financial crisis is a major way-station on the way to the
collapse of the American empire. . . .
Let's face a historical truth: we have never had a "free market", we have
always had government intervention in the economy, and indeed that
intervention has been welcomed by the captains of finance and industry. They
had no quarrel with "big government" when it served their needs. . . .
The alternative is simple and powerful. Take that huge sum of money and give
it directly to the people who need it. Let the government declare a
moratorium on foreclosures and give aid to homeowners to help them pay off
their mortgages. Create a federal jobs programme to guarantee work to people
who want and need jobs and for whom "the free market" has not come
through.--Howard Zinn, "From
empire to democracy," Guardian, October 2, 2008]
[The first prescription for a cure is to formally strengthen the dollar and
announce it publicly. . . . The Fed should declare that its goal for gold is
around $500 to $550.
Also of immediate urgency is for regulators to suspend any mark-to-market
rules for long-term assets. . . .
The SEC should immediately reverse its foolish decision to get rid of the
so-called uptick rule in short-selling. That would provide a small road bump
to the short-selling that's helping to destroy financial institutions.
At the same time the SEC should promulgate an emergency rule (which we
thought was already the rule): No naked short-selling.--Steve Forbes, "How to
Cure This Sick System," Forbes, October 6, 2008]
[Soros blamed the turmoil on the faith in market forces that began
under President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher a
generation ago.--David Morgan, "Soros
sees end of US-led globalized market system," Reuters, October 12, 2008]
[From 1982 to 2000, the U.S. stock market went on the longest bull run ever,
as share prices rose to dizzying heights. . . .
During this time of market mania, the Fed guts the Glass-Steagall Act, which
was enacted during the Great Depression to prevent the type of banking
activity that led to the 1929 stock market crash. In 1996, the Fed allows
regular banks to become heavily involved in investment banking, which opens
the door to conflicts of interest in banks pushing sketchy financial
products on customers who poorly understood the risks. In 1999, under
intense pressure from financial firms, Congress overturns Glass-Steagall,
allowing banks to engage in any sort of activity from underwriting insurance
to investment banking to commercial banking.--Arun Gupta, "Financial Meltdown
101," Indypendent, October 13, 2008]
[ . . . of the first $125 billion outlay from the emergency bailout fund,
76% is going to shore up Uncle Sam's brokers and $300,000 is going to retain
one of Wall Street's favorite law firms.
In addition to the repeal of the depression era, investor protection
legislation known as the Glass Steagall Act, the removal of credit default
swaps from regulation by the Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000,
various U.S. Supreme Court decisions upholding Wall Street's ability to run
its own private justice system shrouded in darkness, there was one more key
regulatory change that greased the tracks of this train wreck. On January
22, 1992 the Federal Reserve announced that its New York region would
"discontinue the 'dealer surveillance' now exercised over Primary
Dealers"--Pam Martens, "How the Banksters
are Making a Killing Off the Bailout," counterpunch.org, October 17,
2008]
[Insurers, automakers and American subsidiaries of foreign banks all want
the Treasury Department to cut them a piece of the largest government rescue
in U.S. history.--Martin Crutsinger, "Companies
start competing for bailout money," Associated Press, October 25,
2008]
[U.S. Deputy Treasury Secretary Robert M. Kimmet, visiting Jiddah, said
experts at his agency have been learning the features of Islamic
banking.--Faiza Saleh Ambah, "Islamic Banking: Steady in Shaky Times,"
Washington Post, October 31, 2008]
[American taxpayers have gained no meaningful control over the banks, which
is why the banks are free to spend the new money as they wish. At Morgan
Stanley, it looks as if much of the windfall will cover this year's bonuses.
Citigroup has been hinting it will use its $25bn buying other banks, while
John Thain, the chief executive of Merrill Lynch, told analysts: "At least
for the next quarter, it's just going to be a cushion." The US government,
meanwhile, is reduced to pleading with the banks that they at least spend a
portion of the taxpayer windfall for loans - officially, the reason for the
entire programme.--Naomi Klein, "The Bush gang's parting gift: a final, frantic looting of public wealth
," Guardian, October 31, 2008]
[As soon as the bailout was announced, it became clear that Treasury
officials would hire outsiders to perform their jobs for them - at a profit.
Private companies wanting to help manage the bailout were given just two
days to apply for massive, multiyear contracts.--Naomi Klein, "The New
Trough," commondreams.org, November 9, 2008]
[The decision to drop asset purchases marks a stunning reversal by Treasury
Secretary Hank Paulson, who made the plan the centrepiece of his pitch for
the $700bn troubled asset relief programme (Tarp), which passed only after a
tumultuous battle in Congress.--Krishna Guha, "US drops plan to buy toxic assets," Financial
Times, November 12, 2008]
[ . . . no formal action has been taken to fill the independent oversight
posts established by Congress when it approved the bailout to prevent
corruption and government waste. Nor has the first monitoring report
required by lawmakers been completed, though the initial deadline has
passed.--Amit R. Paley, "Bailout Lacks Oversight Despite Billions
Pledged," Washington Post, November 13, 2008]
[Yes, we have all derided the explosion of leverage, the failure to regulate
derivatives, the flood of subprime lending that was bound to default and the
excesses of CEO compensation. But these are all mere manifestations of three
deeper structural problems that require greater attention: misconceptions
about what a "free market" really is, a continuing breakdown in corporate
governance and an antiquated and incoherent federal financial regulatory
framework.--Eliot L. Spitzer, "How to Ground The Street: The Former 'Enforcer' On
the Best Way to Keep Financial Markets in Check," New York Times,
November 16, 2008]
[Investors around the world are counting the spiralling cost of the biggest
fraud in history--Stephen Foley, "The man who conned the world," Independent,
December 16, 2008]
[Behind the debate over remaking U.S. financial policy will be a debate over
who's to blame. It's crucial to get the history right, writes a
Nobel-laureate economist, identifying five key mistakes - under Reagan,
Clinton, and Bush II - and one national delusion.--Joseph E. Stiglitz, "Capitalist
Fools," Vanity Fair, January 2009]
[ . . . those combat-ready troops, purportedly stationed to protect
Americans from the terrorists, would be conveniently positioned to suppress
protests by angry and outraged citizens--Jacob G. Hornberger, "The Real Value of
the Standing Army," fff.org, January 6, 2009]
[The 21,000 transactions show that the Fed not only stretched the limits of
its authority by lending tens of billions of dollars to Goldman Sachs and
other giants of Wall Street, but that it also aided British, German and
French banks, other big businesses and smaller banks from Puerto Rico to
North Carolina and Washington State.--Greg Gordon and Kevin G. Hall, "Fed's massive fix sent trillions across the nation,
globe," McClatchy, December 1, 2010]
[Citigroup Inc. (C) and Bank of America Corp. (BAC) were the reigning
champions of finance in 2006 as home prices peaked, leading the 10 biggest
U.S. banks and brokerage firms to their best year ever with $104 billion of
profits.
By 2008, the housing market's collapse forced those companies to take more
than six times as much, $669 billion, in emergency loans from the U.S.
Federal Reserve. The loans dwarfed the $160 billion in public bailouts the
top 10 got from the U.S. Treasury, yet until now the full amounts have
remained secret.
Fed Chairman Ben S. Bernanke's unprecedented effort to keep the economy from
plunging into depression included lending banks and other companies as much
as $1.2 trillion of public money, about the same amount U.S. homeowners
currently owe on 6.5 million delinquent and foreclosed mortgages. The
largest borrower, Morgan Stanley (MS), got as much as $107.3 billion, while
Citigroup took $99.5 billion and Bank of America $91.4 billion, according to
a Bloomberg News compilation of data obtained through Freedom of Information
Act requests, months of litigation and an act of Congress.--Bradley Keoun and
Phil Kuntz, "Wall Street Aristocracy Got $1.2
Trillion in Secret Loans," bloomberg.com, August 22, 2011]
[Senator Sanders: "As a result of this audit,
we now know that the Federal Reserve provided more than $16 trillion in
total financial assistance to some of the largest financial institutions
and corporations in the United States and throughout the world"--"The 16
Trillion Dollar Bailout The Federal Reserve Handed To The Too Big To Fail
Banks," Global Research, December 2, 2011]
[Assume a bank has a reserve of $100 in gold; eager to earn interest and commissions, it
issues fictitious loans for $1,000 in gold. Evidently, $100 in gold cannot pay a
fictitious amount of $1,000 in gold. . . . With paper money, the government prints $900
and bails out the bank. . . . Workers and poor people should suffer a $900 loss in real
capital (food, clothing, energy) to pay the bank or its debtors--Noureddine Krichene, "Ron
Paul on 'End the Fed'," atimes.com, June 30, 2014]
[The reality since World War I is that the United States has taken the lead in shaping
the international financial system to promote gains for its own bankers, farm exporters,
its oil and gas sector, and buyers of foreign resources - and most of all, to collect on
debts owed to it.--Michael Hudson, "Monetary
Imperialism," counterpunch.org, November 29, 2014]