by Dr. Robert D. Crane
			
			
			Now we may  have a triple threat in Iran.  Not only has Ahmadinejad's
			statement on  regime change in Israel and America been grossly distorted,
			and his theoretical right to nuclear weapons as a deterrent to attack been
			denied, but we may now soon hear that his policies of compassionate justice
			are the first step in a  radical socialist scheme designed to destroy the
			financial system that sustains  the world.
			
			
			On October  28th, 2006, the Iranian CEO, President Mahmud Ahmadinejad,
			announced that  government will be down-sized and political power will be
			decentralized through  the privatization of state-owned industry, with 50%
			"sold" free to the poor.  This is a good start on what Ayatollah Sistani
			might well advocate  in Iraq. Sistani is only too well aware of the downside
			of concentrated political power in Iran and of the American strategy in Iraq
			to concentrate  political power in a central government there in order
			better to orchestrate  control of its natural resources.
			
			
			At a  conference called to officially inaugurate the new Iranian plan to
			privatize  industry through "justice shares" to "justice stock companies"
			Ahmadinejad  emphasized that justice is not merely an individual
			responsibility but a joint responsibility of every person working together
			as a community. The Speaker of Parliament, Gholam Ali Haddad, stated at this
			conference that justice  had been the driving force behind the original
			Iranian revolution, but had been  side-tracked for an entire generation.
			
			
			Now the  question arises, when will Iran start privatizing the oil industry
			to the  general populace through inalienable voting shares of stock?  This
			has been  priority number one in position papers that I and others have been
			advancing  since the first day of the Iranian revolution more than a quarter
			century ago as an essential first step in any faith-based and normative
			economic system?  The possible domino effect of such a policy to  broaden
			capital ownership might be perceived as the "ultimate threat to global
			stability."  In fact, it would be the ultimate moral H-bomb designed to 
			restore the universal right to private ownership of productive property as
			the essence of economic justice in a capital intensive world and to counter
			the  primary source of growing global chaos, namely, the rapidly escalating
			wealth-gap both within and among nations.
			
			
			Iran is the  only country in the world where justice is not considered to be
			a threat to stability and where justice indeed is now considered to be the
			major pillar of  national security.  In America, neither the Republican nor
			Democratic  parties dare to even mention the word, because it would require
			fundamental  reform of the entire system of money and credit to broaden
			capital ownership  rather than to concentrate it. In any research on justice
			in Shi'a jurisprudence and public policy, the new Iranian policies on
			economic and social justice, as a model of both what to do and what not to
			do, might  well serve as a principal case study of Jafari jurisprudence in
			practical application.
			
			
			Justice in  Jafari jurisprudence is holistic, which makes it different from
			all the other  legal systems in the world.  This system necessarily
			addresses the importance of respecting the right to life, which has
			immediate relevance to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 
			The leading ayatollahs in  Iran have condemned the production and possession
			of nuclear weapons as fundamentally immoral.  I agree with this, not only
			from the perspective of what Catholics call moral theology, but because such
			weapons are irrelevant to  shaping the course of history.  This is the area
			where the rubber hits the road, because this is where courage as a central
			element of compassionate justice will be seen.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			Dr. Crane is Chairman of the
			newly formed Center for Understanding Islam, and Vice-Chairman of Crescent
			University. He is Associate Editor for Law and Policy of the new online
			magazine, The American Muslim. Since 1996 he has been President of the
			Center for Policy Research, which develops "grand strategy" to infuse
			Islamic thought in a systematic and professional way into the formation of
			current policy in Washington, D.C.
			
			
			Simon Tisdall, "Ahmadinejad on
			Israel: Global Danger or Political Infighting?," Guardian, December
			20, 2005 		
									
			
			James Bamford, "Iran: The Next War," 
			Rolling Stone, July 27, 2006
			
			
			[That is why, at this juncture, resolving any of the significant bilateral
			differences between the United States and Iran inevitably requires resolving
			all of them. Implementing the reciprocal commitments entailed in a "grand
			bargain" would almost certainly play out over time and in phases, but all of
			the commitments would be agreed up front as a package, so that both sides
			would know what they were getting.
			
			If President Bush does not move decisively toward strategic engagement with
			Tehran during his remaining two years in office, his successor will not have
			the same opportunities that he will have so blithely squandered.--Flynt
			Leverett and Hillary Mann, "Redacted Version of Original Op-Ed," New
			York Times, December 22, 2006]
			
	
	
	