Excerpt from a speech delivered
in 1933 by General
Smedley Darlington Butler, USMC. General Butler was the recipient of two Congressional Medals of Honor
-- the highest military decoration presented by the United States government to a
member of its armed forces. He is one of only 19 recipients of two Medals of
Honor, and one of only three to be awarded a Marine Corps Brevet Medal and a Medal
of Honor, and the only person to be awarded a Marine Corps Brevet Medal and a Medal
of Honor for two different actions.
War is just a racket. A racket is best described, I believe, as something
that is not what it seems to the majority of people. Only a small inside group
knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few at the
expense of the masses. . . .
War is a Racket 1933 by Smedley Butler - Performed by Graham Frye
There isn't a trick in the racketeering bag that the military gang is blind
to. It has its "finger men" to point out enemies, its "muscle men" to destroy
enemies, its "brain men" to plan war preparations, and a "Big Boss"
Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism.
It may seem odd for me, a military man to adopt such a comparison.
Truthfulness compels me to. I spent thirty- three years and four months in
active military service as a member of this country's most agile military force,
the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to
Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high
class muscle- man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In
short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism.
I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914.
I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect
revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the
benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of
Brown Brothers in 1902-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American
sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies
in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way
unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he
could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents. . . .
[In reviewing the history and context of Kennedy's speech at American
University, Sachs' esteem for Kennedy grew further, concluding, "I have come to believe
that Kennedy's quest for peace is not only the greatest achievement of his presidency,
but also one of the greatest acts of world leadership in the modern era."--John F.
Kennedy, "A
Strategy of Peace," Wikipedia, June 10, 1963]
Our actual economic policy is a mixture of protectionist, interventionist, free market
and liberal measures. And it's directed primarilly to the needs of . . . the wealthy. . . .
But nobody called it industrial policy, because for half a century it has been
masked within the Pentagon system
[At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in Germany, they were
involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United States government.
"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early 1934, writes
Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat that would overthrow the
President with the aid of a $3 million-funded army of terrorists . . ." The object was
to force Roosevelt "to take orders from businessmen as part of a fascist government or
face the alternative of imprisonment and execution . . ."
Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of meetings with the
Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre conspiracy." "They finally settled on
one of the most popular soldiers in America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania."
Butler was approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of the American
Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role of an American Hitler.--R.
William Davis, "The Elkhorn Manifesto," July 4, 1996]
[The de facto role of the US armed forces will be to keep the world safe for our economy
and open to our cultural assault. To those ends, we will do a fair amount of
killing.--Ralph Peters, "Constant
Conflict," Parameters,
US Army War College Quarterly, Summer 1997, pp. 4-14]
[If one were to look closely at the past 58 years, one would be hard pressed to
find a single U.S. military or C.I.A. intervention that has brought us one iota
of safety, or, for that matter, that has actually been done for national defense
purposes. As Butler illustrated in 1933, and it is even truer now than then, the
U.S. engages in interventions meant to protect the interests of the powerful and
wealthy of our nation and our allies, and rarely, if ever, in order to actually
protect its citizens.--Chris White, "Is War Still a
Racket?" CounterPunch, January 9, 2003]
Charlie Liteky, "An Open Letter to the U.S. Military: Congressional
Medal of Honor recipient addresses U.S. forces in Iraq," Veterans Against the Iraq War,
May 7, 2003
[Between 1850 and 1870, British exports tripled, from just over eighty million
pounds to more than 240 million pounds a year. The process was fairly
straightforward. The British imported raw materials from every comer of the
globe. They then used those raw materials, transformed them into finished
products in factories, and exported those goods throughout the world. Trade and
industry were inextricably linked. The United Kingdom needed raw materials to
produce finished goods, and it needed markets to absorb those goods abroad. In
order to profit from exports, it had to control the trade, and to do that, it
had to control the seas. In that sense, the British navy was simply an
adjunct to the British merchant marine.--Zachary Karabell, "Parting
the Desert," Knopf (May 20, 2003)]
[To measure actual spending by the United States on defense, take the federal
budget number for the Pentagon and double it.--David R. Francis, "Hidden defense costs
add up to double trouble," Christian Science Monitor, February 23, 2004]
VIDEO: An unflinching
look at the anatomy of the American war machine, weaving unforgettable personal
stories with commentary by a "who's who" of military and beltway insiders. The
film surveys the scorched landscape of a half-century's military adventures,
asking how and telling why a nation of, by, and for the people has become the
savings-and-loan of a system whose survival depends on a state of constant
war.--Eugene Jarecki, "Why We
Fight," Sony Pictures Classics (2005)
[A more honest estimate of ourselves as a nation would prepare us all for
the next barrage of lies that will accompany the next proposal to inflict our
power on some other part of the world.--Howard Zinn, "Lessons of Iraq War start
with U.S. history," The Progressive, March 14, 2006]
[". . . no nation had ever become great without control of foreign markets and
access to the natural resources of foreign countries."--Stephen Kinzer, "Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to
Iraq," Times Books, April 4, 2006, p. 33]
[VIDEO: SAIC
personnel were instrumental in pressing the case that weapons of mass
destruction existed in Iraq in the first place, and that war was the only
way to get rid of them. Then, as war became inevitable, SAIC secuBlue contracts
for a broad range of operations in soon-to-be-occupied Iraq. When no weapons of
mass destruction were found, SAIC personnel staffed the commission that was set
up to investigate how American intelligence could have been so disastrously
wrong.--Donald L. Barlett and James B. Steele, "Washington's
$8 Billion Shadow," Vanity Fair, March 2007]
," Consortiumnews.com, November
11, 2014
["Of course it's about oil; we can't really deny that," said Gen. John Abizaid, former
head of U.S. Central Command and Military Operations in Iraq, in 2007. Then-Sen. and
later Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel echoed in 2007: "People say we're not fighting for
oil. Of course we are." Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan confirmed in his
memoir: "I am saddened that it is politically inconvenient to acknowledge what everyone
knows: the Iraq war is largely about oil."--Bruce Fein, "Inventing threats, protecting defense budgets,"
washingtontimes.com, December 2, 2014]
[Kennedy intended to pull the US out of Vietnam once he was reelected. He intended to
break up the CIA "into one thousand pieces" and curtail the military-security complex
that was exploiting the US budget.
[ The United States, McKinley argued, could not possibly tyrannize faraway lands, as
European powers did, because the tyrannical impulse is foreign to America's character and
tradition. He said that since the United States set its foreign policies with "unselfish
purpose," its influence in the world could only be benevolent. The essential goodness of
the American people, he argued, is the supreme and sole necessary justification of
whatever the United States chooses to do in the world. . . .
In the space of just nine months, the United States had brought Cuba under American
military rule and annexed Puerto Rico, Guam, Hawaii, and the Philippines. . . .
Senator Huey Long of Louisiana, a Democrat who was assassinated in 1935, while preparing
his campaign for the presidency . . . had promised that if elected he would name the
country's most contrarian military hero, General Smedley Butler, as secretary of
war.--Stephen Kinzer, "The True
Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of American Empire," Henry
Holt and Co. (January 24, 2017) p.132, p.134, p.235]
[The Bilderberg Group . . . has just been the stage for a difficult debate between the
partisans and the adversaries of imperialism in the Middle East.--Thierry Meyssan, "Confrontation at Bilderberg
2017," voltairenet.org, June 6, 2017]
[Adding a distinct, even novel dimension to US global power was a clandestine fourth
tier that entailed global surveillance by the NSA, and covert operations on five continents
by the CIA, manipulating elections, promoting coups, and, when needed, mobilizing
surrogate armies. Indeed, more than any other attribute, it is this clandestine dimension that
distinguishes US global hegemony from earlier empires.--AlfBlue W. McCoy, "In the
Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power,"
Haymarket Books (September 12, 2017) p. 52-56]
[US Marine Corps Major-General Smedley Darlington Butler is now lost to history. Yet
more than a century ago, this strange contradiction of a man would become a national war
hero, celebrated in pulp adventure novels, and then, 30 years later, as one of America's
most prominent anti-war and anti-imperialist dissidents.--Danny Sjursen, "Where have
you gone, Smedley Butler?," asiatimes.com, February 21, 2020]
Daniel Immerwahr, "How to Hide
an Empire: A History of the Greater United States," Picador; Reprint edition
(March 3, 2020)
[The bumper package contains $772bn for domestic programmes and
$858bn for defence. It includes almost $45bn in emergency aid to Ukraine --"What exactly is in the
$1.7tr US spending bill?," bbc.com, December 22, 2022]